The war in Ukraine is accelerating cooperation between the Nordic and Baltic countries and the B9 nations on NATO’s eastern flank, as regional alliances take on a growing role in Europe’s security architecture.
Closer defense-industrial cooperation, arms procurement and efforts to strengthen regional manufacturing capacity are emerging as key elements of the new security landscape.
Russia’s war in Ukraine is reshaping not only Europe’s security architecture but also its political and economic structures. The shift is reviving ideas from the 1980s about a “Europe of Regions,” in which regional cooperation and greater autonomy would play a larger role.
While the European Community initially embraced decentralization and cross-border cooperation in the early 1990s, decision-making in Brussels has become increasingly centralized over time. Critics argue that this has contributed to slower decision-making and limited innovation.
Russia’s war is now encouraging a different approach. European countries perceive the Russian threat differently depending on their geography, with nations bordering Russia generally feeling a greater sense of urgency than those further west.
As a result, the center of gravity of European security is increasingly shifting eastward.
Nordic and Baltic countries move closer
One of the clearest examples is the growing integration between Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania and the five Nordic countries — Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden.
The level of cooperation, which would have been difficult to imagine before Finland and Sweden joined NATO, has now become an important component of the alliance’s northern security structure.
Known as the Nordic-Baltic Eight, or NB8, the group has also played an increasingly important role in coordinating support for Ukraine.
On NATO’s eastern flank, meanwhile, a broader grouping known as the Bucharest Nine, or B9, brings together Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania and Slovakia.
Poland and Romania have longstanding security ties dating back to a mutual defense agreement signed in 1921.
The B9 initiative itself was launched in Bucharest in November 2015 by then-Polish President Andrzej Duda and Romanian President Klaus Iohannis, following Russia’s annexation of Crimea. It brought together the Visegrad countries — the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia — with Bulgaria, Romania and the three Baltic states.
A new phase of Nordic-B9 cooperation
The deepening relationship between the Nordic countries and the B9 has become increasingly significant as the Russian threat grows and the need to coordinate military support for Ukraine intensifies.
Concerns that the United States could reduce its role in Europe have also raised questions about the future of transatlantic security ties, while the European Union’s difficulties in developing a rapid and unified response to the war have increased interest in regional groupings.
A key moment came on May 13, when Nordic and B9 leaders met in Bucharest for a summit attended by NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy.
The meeting pointed to the possibility of putting cooperation between the two groups on a more formal footing.
The emerging framework is not intended to replace NATO, but rather to provide a platform for countries willing to assume greater responsibility for European security within the alliance.
Defense industry cooperation expands
Poland and Sweden have emerged as important examples of the new defense-industrial cooperation.
Poland has signed a major agreement for three Swedish A26 submarines designed with the Baltic Sea’s shallow and brackish waters in mind.
Swedish defense company Saab has also signed a strategic cooperation agreement with Poland’s state-owned defense group PGZ, paving the way for PGZ companies to become part of Saab’s supply chain.
Poland has become one of the most prominent countries in Europe’s rearmament drive. Alongside its strategic position, Warsaw is pursuing an ambitious military modernization program and has purchased significant amounts of defense equipment from South Korea.
Its procurement strategy also differs from France’s preference for keeping European arms purchases within the continent.
Lublin Triangle expands regional cooperation
Another emerging element of the regional security architecture is the Lublin Triangle between Poland, Lithuania and Ukraine.
Established in July 2020, the initiative takes its name from the historic Union of Lublin, which established the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1569.
The three countries have pledged to deepen military, cultural, economic and political cooperation and support Ukraine’s integration with NATO.
Those commitments were reaffirmed at a meeting held in Lublin on July 16, 2025.
Sweden offers Gripen support to Ukraine
One of the most significant developments in regional defense cooperation has been Sweden’s support for Ukraine’s air force.
Swedish Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson said during a May 28 press conference with Zelenskyy at Uppsala Air Base near Stockholm that Ukraine could purchase up to 20 JAS Gripen E/F fighter jets, with deliveries planned before 2030.
Sweden has also pledged to donate 16 older Gripen C/D aircraft currently used by its own air force.
Stockholm has previously provided Ukraine with a Saab Erieye airborne early-warning and control aircraft, another measure intended to strengthen Kyiv’s air-defense and air-combat capabilities.
Sweden and Ukraine are also discussing a broader long-term package that could eventually involve up to 150 Gripen aircraft, as well as potential joint production in Canada or Ukraine.
Nordic cooperation moves beyond defense
Regional cooperation in Northern Europe is extending beyond military security.
Businesses and foundations have established a new industrial alliance aimed at strengthening the region’s economic resilience and competitiveness.
Known as Nordic Compass – The Nordic Round Table for Industry, the initiative brings together companies and foundations from across the Nordic region.
The group is chaired by former Finnish Prime Minister Jyrki Katainen and includes major companies and institutions such as Ericsson, Nokia, Saab, Nordea, Orsted and the Novo Nordisk Foundation.
Its initial priorities include capital markets, defense, advanced technology and energy.
Together, these developments suggest that Europe’s security architecture is no longer being shaped solely by Brussels and the continent’s largest capitals.
Russia’s war, uncertainty over the future US role in Europe and the need to support Ukraine are pushing countries with shared threat perceptions toward closer regional cooperation.
The increasingly strong links between the Nordic countries, the Baltics and the B9 are likely to play a growing role in shaping Europe’s defense industry, security policy and economic strategy in the years ahead.
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