Ireland is rapidly expanding its defence cooperation with France as Dublin seeks to address major gaps in its military capabilities, raising questions over whether the traditionally neutral country is becoming increasingly dependent on Paris for its security.
Ireland has long been criticized for relying heavily on its partners for defence despite maintaining a policy of military neutrality. The country allocated just 0.22% of GDP to military spending in 2025 and has limited capacity to defend its airspace, territorial waters and critical undersea infrastructure.
The Irish Defence Forces operate only four naval patrol vessels on a rotational basis, have limited technical personnel to operate advanced weapons systems and do not possess a single fighter aircraft.
As security threats across Europe increase, the Irish government has begun a major effort to strengthen its military capabilities. France has emerged as Dublin’s most important partner in that process.
France to provide temporary air defence
Ireland is facing an immediate challenge as it prepares to take on the rotating presidency of the European Council.
The country came under scrutiny after failing to prevent a drone intrusion during Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s visit in December. With Dublin concerned about its ability to secure major European summits and ministerial meetings on its own, the government has announced plans to cooperate with the French Navy on temporary air-defence arrangements during key European Council events.
The move comes as Ireland faces growing pressure from both the European Union and the United States to increase defence spending and strengthen its military capabilities.
In January, Dublin and Paris signed a strategic framework agreement that will remain in force until 2030. A military cooperation agreement covering joint training, intelligence sharing and other areas followed in February.
The relationship has since expanded into defence procurement, with France taking an increasingly central role in Ireland’s acquisition of military equipment.
France takes central role in Irish procurement
Under the new arrangements, Ireland and France are working toward a series of government-to-government procurement agreements.
The system would allow the French government to negotiate and sign contracts for critical military equipment on Ireland’s behalf, including selecting suppliers, determining delivery schedules and negotiating prices.
France would also play a major role in the maintenance and logistics of the equipment and in training Irish military personnel.
At the center of the process is France’s Directorate General of Armaments (DGA), the government agency responsible for equipping the French armed forces and supporting the country’s defence industry.
The arrangement has raised concerns because the French government has a direct role in both Ireland’s procurement decisions and the interests of French defence manufacturers.
France continues to hold stakes in major defence companies, including Thales and Safran, and has historically used defence procurement as part of its broader industrial policy.
Billion-euro defence deals take shape
Ireland’s growing reliance on French suppliers predates the latest agreements.
In June 2025, Thales was awarded a €60 million contract to provide the Irish Naval Service with its first towed-array sonar system, designed to detect submarines operating in Irish waters.
In December 2025, the Irish government approved negotiations with Paris over a radar system estimated to be worth around €500 million.
The Irish Times described the arrangement as effectively transferring the procurement process to officials in Paris. Irish Defence Minister Helen McEntee said the French proposal met “to a very large extent” the military capabilities Ireland required.
The proposed system, however, would be acquired without a conventional competitive tendering process, leaving the French government with a major role in determining both the equipment and the supplier.
In February, Ireland signed another government-to-government agreement with France covering the potential purchase of Griffon, Jaguar and Serval armoured vehicles for up to €800 million.
The deal would represent the largest investment in the history of the Irish Army, with negotiations expected to conclude in the coming months.
The scale of the shift is significant. Between 2015 and 2024, Ireland ordered around €53 million worth of military equipment from France. Since 2025, Dublin has signed agreements or opened negotiations with the French government involving more than €1.4 billion.
That figure is close to Ireland’s entire defence budget for 2026, which stands at around €1.5 billion.
Growing concerns over strategic independence
The rapid expansion of defence cooperation with France represents a major change for Ireland, but it has also prompted concerns over the country’s long-term strategic independence.
Ireland has historically relied on the United Kingdom for important elements of its security despite the two countries’ different defence policies. Under a longstanding confidential arrangement dating back to the 1950s, the UK’s Royal Air Force has assisted in monitoring potential threats to Irish airspace and responding to hostile incursions.
The growing French role could therefore alter Ireland’s traditional security relationships, particularly with its closest neighbour.
Critics also warn that heavy dependence on French military equipment could give Paris additional leverage over Dublin.
If political disagreements were to emerge in the future, France could potentially influence Ireland through areas such as equipment maintenance, spare parts, modernization programs or access to military systems.
The concern is not necessarily that France would openly threaten Ireland, but that dependence on a single foreign supplier could reduce Dublin’s room for manoeuvre in future defence and foreign-policy decisions.
Ireland joins France’s European defence network
The growing Irish-French relationship also fits into France’s broader effort to strengthen European defence capabilities outside a framework dominated entirely by NATO.
Paris has increasingly promoted bilateral and multilateral defence partnerships based on French military equipment, training and doctrine as part of its vision of greater European strategic autonomy.
One example is the Capacité Motorisée partnership launched by France and Belgium in 2019 and later joined by Luxembourg.
The partnership aims to standardize military doctrine, command-and-control structures, equipment and maintenance procedures among the participating armies.
The three countries use France’s Scorpion integrated digital battlefield network in their armoured vehicles. Ireland is now set to become part of the same system.
Although Scorpion is compatible with NATO networks, its software is supplied by French technology company Eviden, while the hardware is produced by Thales and other French defence companies. Access and system updates remain under French control.
Belgian defence companies have largely been involved in assembling vehicles and producing some additional weapons systems.
The arrangement has enabled France, Belgium and Luxembourg to develop a highly integrated military capability that can operate together independently of NATO structures.
Ireland, despite not being a NATO member, is now moving into the same ecosystem.
Belgium’s experience raises questions
Belgium’s experience with French military procurement could serve as a warning for Dublin.
In April 2025, Belgium’s Court of Audit found that the cost of a contract for 442 French-made armoured vehicles could rise dramatically above initial estimates.
The project was initially expected to cost around €1.5 billion, but the projected total cost was subsequently estimated at €14.4 billion.
Belgian media have also reported concerns over a lack of transparency surrounding French pricing and contractual conditions, as well as alleged irregularities in some procurement arrangements.
For Ireland, the issue is therefore not simply whether France can provide the military capabilities Dublin urgently needs. It is also whether increasingly close dependence on French equipment, procurement structures and military systems could limit Ireland’s ability to make independent strategic decisions.
A new direction for Irish defence policy
Ireland’s move toward France reflects the country’s growing recognition that its traditional approach to defence may no longer be sufficient in a more volatile European security environment.
The government is investing heavily in military capabilities that it previously lacked, while France offers a ready-made combination of equipment, training, intelligence cooperation and logistical support.
But the scale and structure of the partnership raise a broader question: whether Ireland is simply modernizing its defence forces with the help of a close European partner, or gradually becoming dependent on France for capabilities that are essential to its national security.
For Dublin, the challenge will be to strengthen its military capacity without replacing one form of strategic dependence with another.
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